IN THE
UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA

Twenty Citizens of the District of Columbia,
Plaintiffs,
versus
William Jefferson Clinton, et al,
Defendants

MEMORANDUM OF POINTS AND AUTHORITIES
IN SUPPORT OF PLAINTIFFS' APPLICATION
FOR A THREE-JUDGE DISTRICT COURT

Plaintiffs in this case apply for a three-judge district court, as provided by Section 2284(a) of Title 28 of the United States Code. Section 2284(a) provides, among other things, that "[a] district court of three judges shall be convened when ... an action is filed challenging the constitutionality of the apportionment of congressional districts[.]"
Section 2284 is jurisdictional, McLucas v. DeChamplain, 421 U.S. 21, 28, 95 S.Ct. 1365, 1370, 43 L.Ed.2d 699, 707 (1975) [FOOTNOTE 1: McLucas concerned an application for the three-judge district court under 28 U.S.C.  2282 (since repealed), which "required three judges to hear injunctive suits attacking federal and state legislation ... for repugnance to the Constitution of the United States." McLucas applies to the instant case, however, since the only substantive difference between Sections 2282 and 2284 is the scope of "legislation" which might, when challenged, require a three-judge district court. Section 2282 covered cases in which any act of Congress (or of a state) was challenged as unconstitutional. Section 2284 (as invoked by the Plaintiffs here) requires three-judge courts when a constitutional challenge is brought against acts which result in apportionments. Thus, Section 2284(a) concerns a subset of the whole set which had been covered by Section 2282.], so the judge to which the case is initially assigned, see Local Rule 401(a), must address the application for a three-judge district court before addressing any other issue or merit of the case. See also Armour v. State of Ohio, 925 F.2d 987, 989 (6th Cir. 1991) (en banc) ("[T]he 'shall' language of the statute ... make[s] the convening of such a court a jurisdictional requirement once it becomes clear that there exists a nonfrivolous constitutional challenge to the apportionment of a [congressional district]").
The District Judge to whom the case is initially assigned has "a limited jurisdiction," leaving room for little discretion, to determine whether the applicant has presented a case which is under the jurisdiction of a three-judge district court. See 28 U.S.C.  2284(b)(1) (the district judge to which the case is initially assigned "shall" forward the application for a three-judge district court to the Chief Judge of the Circuit Court for designation of the additional two judges who will comprise the panel of three "unless [the initial judge] determines that three judges are not required[.]" (emphasis added)).
A single United States district judge has no jurisdiction to proceed to the merits of [a] claim if formation of [a three-judge district court] is required. When an application for a statutory three-judge court is addressed to a district court, the court is limited to the following determinations before it can request the Chief Judge of the Circuit to convene the panel: (1) whether the complaint formally alleges a basis for equitable relief; (2) whether the constitutional question presented is substantial; and (3) whether the case presented otherwise comes within the requirements of the applicable three-judge statute. Police Officers' Guild, Nat'l. Union of Police Officers v. Washington, 369 F.Supp. 543, 548-49 (D.D.C. 1973) (citations omitted) [FOOTNOTE 2: Police Officers' Guild, like McLucas, concerned an application for a three-judge district court under 28 U.S.C.  2282. Police Officers' Guild is compelling authority in this case for the same reasons that McLucas is compelling authority. See footnote 1, supra. In short, the criteria listed in Police Officers' Guild are not necessarily limited to or dependent upon Section 2282]; see also Adams v. Richardson, 871 F.Supp. 43, 45 (D.D.C. 1994). If each of these three elements or considerations is answered in the affirmative, the case and all its issues and questions are under the jurisdiction of a three-judge district court from that point on. U.S. v. Georgia Public Service Comm'n, 371 U.S. 285, 287-88, 83 S.Ct. 397, 399, 9 L.Ed.2d 317 (1963); Sterling v. Constantin, 287 U.S. 378, 393-94, 53 S.Ct. 190, 193, 77 L.Ed. 375 (1932).
In assessing an application for a three-judge district court, the judge initially assigned must consider the applicant's claims "on their face," from the allegations in the Complaint and from arguments presented in support of the application for a three-judge district court. White v. Regester, 412 U.S. 755, 760, 93 S.CT. 2332, 2336, 37 L.Ed.2d 314 (1973); Local Rule 202. Thus, all allegations and arguments presented in the Complaint and in support of the application for a three-judge district court "must be deemed to be true," [FOOTNOTE 3: Thus, treatment of an application for a three-judge District Court is similar to treatment of a motion for summary judgment under Rule 56 of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure or dismissal under Rule 12(b)(6). Compare Weisberg v. U.S. Dept. of Justice, 705 F.2d 1344, 1350-51 (D.C. Cir. 1983); Adams v. Richardson, 871 F.Supp. 43, 46 (D.D.C. 1994)] Goosby v. Osser, 409 U.S. 512, 521 n.7, 93 S.Ct. 854, 860 n.7, 35 L.Ed.2d 36 (1973), for the purpose of analysis of the Application.
This practice is supported by the observation that apportionment (the issue pertinent to the instant case and which issue brings the case under the three-judge court act) might be challenged on various grounds, by various tests, see, e.g., U.S. Dept. of Commerce v. Montana, 503 U.S. 442, 447, 463, 112 S.CT. 1415, 1419, 1428-29, 118 L.Ed.2d 87 (1992); L. Tribe, American Constitutional Law, 1063-84 (2nd ed. 1988), but all these challenges, by definition, would be the proper "grist" for the three-judge court, Chapman v. Meier, 420 U.S. 1, 14, 42 S.Ct. 751, 759, 42 L.Ed.2d 766 (1975), rather than for a single district judge. In other words, the merits of the substantive issues of the case cannot be weighed by a single district judge if the case is committed to the jurisdiction of a three-judge district court.
Because the third element of the Police Officers' Guild test ("whether the case presented otherwise comes within the requirements of the applicable three-judge statute") addresses the nexus between the issues raised in the case at bar and the substantive issues committed to three-judge district courts under 28 U.S.C.  2284(a), this element should be addressed first. Because the first element of the Police Officers' Guild test ("whether the complaint formally alleges a basis for equitable relief") concerns relief, which logically follows everything else, it might be saved for last. Therefore, counsel will enumerate and discuss the Police Officers' Guild elements in the reverse order from their statement by the Court in Police Officers' Guild.
(1) Whether an Aspect of the Case Comes Within the Substantive Concerns of the Statute
The court's primary consideration in deciding whether a case is under the jurisdiction of a three-judge district court is "whether the case presented ... comes within the [substantive] requirements of the statute providing for a three-judge district court." See 369 F.Supp. at 549-50. In other words, the court must determine whether any matter in the Plaintiffs' case is among the matters Congress has subjected to the jurisdiction of three-judge district courts.
Section 2284(a) of Title 28, U.S.C., provides, among other things, that "[a] district court of three judges shall be convened when ... an action is filed challenging the constitutionality of the apportionment of congressional districts[.]" So the question is whether the instant case, in any way, concerns "the apportionment of congressional districts."
The short answer is that it does, directly, as a necessary component of both Counts of the Plaintiffs' Complaint. Specifically, the Plaintiffs assert that the Defendants' actions have excluded, perpetuated exclusion, and have assisted others in excluding and perpetuating the exclusion of the Plaintiffs from apportionment to a congressional district.
Generally, "apportionment" is "the division of a population into constituencies whose electors are to be charged with the selection of public officers[;]" more simply, it is "the process of granting of representation to a citizen or a group of citizens[.]" Alfred de Grazia, "General Theory of Apportionment," 17 Law and Contemporary Problems 256, 256-57 (1952); compare Black's Law Dictionary, 91 (5th ed. 1979) (apportionment is the "[d]etermination of the number of representatives which a [place] may send to a legislative body."). Conversely, apportionment is the designation of each geographic district or place which will send a representative to a legislative body. See R.K. Scher, J.L. Mills, & J.J. Holating, Voting Rights and Democracy; The Law and Politics of Districting, 4-6 (1997). Thus, apportionment is about drawing lines and it necessarily involves the questions of who draws the lines and who is on each side of each line.
Such drawing of lines is required by the Constitution, Art. I,  2,  3, as amended by Amendment XIV,  2, and, as a present practical matter, results in designation of 435 physical, geographic districts which each elect a representative to the United States House of Representatives. See Pub. L. 105-119, Title II,  209(a)(1)-(2), Nov. 26, 1997, 111 Stat. 2480. In many situations throughout our history, the same lines drawn by Congress which resulted in apportionment to a geographic district of seats in the House also resulted in de facto "apportionment" to the same district of representation in the Senate; this happens when the district apportioned is an entire, new State. See Emanuel Celler, "Congressional Apportionment--Past, Present, and Future," 17 Law and Contemporary Problems 268, 271 (1952) (discussing the apportionment act of 1911, 37 Stat. 13 (1911), among others, which set the number of seats in the House at 433, but also provided two more seats once Arizona and New Mexico were admitted as States; such admission, of course, would also entail representation in the Senate). Thus, apportionment is the foundation for representation of the citizens of the United States in the House of Representatives and it sometimes is the occasion of representation in the Senate as well.
In either case, apportionment is the primary constitutional insurance that the Congress of the United States will be a "republican form of government." U.S. Const., Art. IV,  4; Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 582, 84 S.Ct. 1362, 1392, 12 L.Ed.2d 506, reh. denied, 379 U.S. 870, 871, 85 S.Ct. 12, 13 (1964); Alfred de Grazia, supra, 17 Law and Contemporary Problems at 256 ("Apportionment in some form remains an absolute requirement of representative government."); Joel Francis Paschal, "The House of Representatives: 'Grand Depository of the Democratic Principle'?" 17 Law and Contemporary Problems 276 (1952).
[I]n this country the people govern themselves through their elected representatives and ...
"each and every citizen has an inalienable right to full and effective participation in the
political processes" of the legislative bodies of the Nation, State, [and] locality .... Since
"[m]ost citizens can achieve this participation only as qualified voters through the election
of legislators to represent them," full and effective participation requires "that each citizen
have an equally effective voice in the election of members of his ... legislature." As Daniel
Webster once said, "the right to choose a representative is every man's portion of sovereign power."
Board of Estimate of City of New York v. Morris, 489 U.S. 688, 693, 109 S.Ct. 1433, 1438, 103 L.Ed.2d 717 (1989) (emphasis added; quoting Reynolds, supra, 377 U.S. at 565, 84 S.Ct. at 1378 and one of the attorneys before the court in Luther v. Borden, 48 U.S. (7 How.) 1, 30, 12 L.Ed. 581 (1849)).
Procedurally, the House of Representatives has the primary responsibility to "allocate," Federation for American Immigration Reform v. Klutznick, 486 F.Supp. 564, 566 (D.D.C. 1980), or "apportion," Board of Estimate, supra, 489 U.S. at 694, 109 S.Ct. at 1438, seats in the United States House of Representatives to the country, creating the various congressional districts. See The Decennial Population Census and Congressional Apportionment, H.R. Rep. No. 1314, 91st Cong., 2d Sess., at 5-6 (1970)). To accomplish this, Congress has charged the President with the responsibility of "transmit[ting] to Congress a statement showing the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed, as ascertained under [each] decennial census of the population, and the number of Representatives to which each State [is] entitled ..., no State to receive less than one Member." 2 U.S.C.  2a(a). The number reported by the President are then used to calculate how many Representatives will be apportioned to each state. See Franklin v. Massachusetts, 505 U.S. 788, 791-93, 112 S.Ct. 2767, 2770-71, 120 L.Ed.2d 636 (1992).
But Congress's charge to the President and the enumerations reported back to Congress both assume certain preexisting, defined places in which people are to be counted: the States. If (as is asserted in the instant case) Congress uses its powers to isolate a certain district and withhold it from inclusion among the States, that district would not be counted, the citizens there would be excluded from the count and excluded from apportionment, and another "great American constituenc[y would be] robbed of [its] rightful share of representation ..." [FOOTNOTE 4: For those lucky areas included in the count for apportionment, a formula known as "the method of equal proportions" is used to carry out the mathematical calculations which result in actual allocation to each state of at least one representative and as many additional representatives as required to insure, as closely as possible (given that fact that populations vary widely among the various states) that apportionment of congressional seats will conform to the principle of "one person, one vote." Board of Estimate, supra, 489 U.S. at 692, 109 S.Ct. at 1437-38; Wells v. Rockefeller, 394 U.S. 542, 544, 89 S.Ct. 1234, 1236, 22 L.Ed.2d 535 (1969); Wesberry v. Sanders, 376 U.S. 1, 14, 84 S.Ct. 526, 533, 11 L.Ed.2d 481 (1964); Federation for American Immigration Reform, supra, 486 F.Supp. at 566, 577; see also 2 U.S.C.  2a(a) & (b); see generally Lawrence F. Schmeckebier, "The Method of Equal Proportions," 17 Law and Contemporary Problems 302 (1952); 55 Stat. 761 (1941), 2 U.S.C. 2a.] S. Rep. No. 2, 71st Cong., 1st Sess., 2-3 (1929).
Certainly, it's now a truism that apportionment is no neutral, clerical process of government. Instead, it is a field of battle for political power. See Franklin, supra, 505 U.S. at 791-92, 112 S.Ct. at 2771.
The key concept to grasp is that there are no neutral lines for legislative districts. ...
[E]very line drawn aligns partisans and interest blocs in a particular way different from the
alignment that would result from putting the line in some other place. And ... the electoral
result will be different in each one. Robert G. Dixon, Jr., "Fair Criteria and Procedure for Establishing Legislative Districts" in B. Grofman, A. Lijphart, R. McKay, & H. Scarrow, eds., Representation and Redistricting Issues, 7-8 (1982); de Grazia, supra, 17 Law and Contemporary Problems at 257. "[A]s lines are drawn, some parts of the population are advantaged, and some are disadvantaged." Scher, Mills, & Holating, supra, at 6. "The apportionment of seats in a legislature is the apportionment of power within the community. Any scheme of legislative apportionment represents choices regarding how much power shall be allocated to the diverse interests within the society." R.C. Cortner, The Apportionment Cases, 3 (1970).
Since fair and equitable apportionment "involves the fundamental principle of equality which permeates our entire Constitution[, ...] its denial imperils the very heart of our democracy."
Celler, supra, 17 Law and Contemporary Problems at 274. When a government of a jurisdiction provides that its component representatives be elected by the citizens of the jurisdiction, "a citizen has a constitutionally protected right to participate in elections on an equal basis with other citizens in the jurisdiction." Dunn v. Blumstein, 405 U.S. 330, 336, 92 S.Ct. 995, 1000, 31 L.Ed.2d 274 (1972); Kramer v. Union Free School District, 395 U.S. 621, 626-29, 89 S.Ct. 1886, 1889-90, 23 L.Ed.2d 583 (1969); Gray v. Sanders, 372 U.S. 368, 379-80, 83 S.Ct. 801, 807-08, 9 L.Ed.2d 821 (1963).
Thus, it's an "established principle that ... laws 'distributing the franchise'--i.e., granting 'the right to vote to some bone fide residents of requisite age and citizenship' but denying it to others -- are presumptively invalid." Jesse H. Choper, "Consequence of Supreme Court Decisions Upholding Individual Rights," 83 Mich. L. Rev. 1, 85-86 (1984) (emphasis added; quoting Kramer, supra, 395 U.S. at 626 & 627, 89 S.Ct. at 1889-90). "The majority of a [political jurisdiction] ... can no more place a minority in oversize districts without depriving that minority of equal protection of the laws than they can deprive the minority of the ballot altogether ...." Avery v. Midland County, Texas, 390 U.S. 474, 481 n.6, 88 S.Ct. 1114, 1118-19 n.6, 20 L.Ed.2d 45 (1968) (emphasis added).
Certainly, then, an apportionment of congressional districts under which the residents of a discrete geographic district are "denied access to the political process equal to the access of other groups" represented in the legislature which rules them both, Chapman, supra, 420 U.S. at 17, 95 S.Ct. at 761 (citing White, supra, 412 U.S. at 765-66, 93 S.CT. at 2339-40), where the voting strength of that discrete population are "minimized or canceled out," Fortson v. Dorsey, 379 U.S. 433, 439, 85 S.Ct. 498, 501, 13 L.Ed.2d 401 (1965) (emphasis added), where the citizens have been systematically and perpetually "'[f]enc[ed] out' from the franchise," Carrington v. Rash, 380 U.S. 89, 94, 85 S.Ct. 775, 779, 13 L.Ed.2d 675 (1965) (emphasis added), must be "presumptively invalid." Choper, supra, (emphasis added).
The Plaintiffs in this case bring two Counts of violations of their fundamental constitutional rights. Each Count necessarily incorporates a direct constitutional challenge to an existing state of apportionment.
Most directly, apportionment is an inherent and necessary component of a republican form of government. Reynolds, supra, 377 U.S. at 582, 84 S.Ct. at 1392; de Grazia, supra, 17 Law and Contemporary Problems at 256; Paschal, supra, 17 Law and Contemporary Problems 276. Under the present scheme of apportionments for congressional representation, the Plaintiffs are "fenced the District out," Carrington, supra, 380 U.S. at 94, 85 S.Ct. at 779, of apportionment. Congress has "deprived" the citizens of the District of Columbia of the ballot "altogether." Avery, supra, 390 U.S. at 481 n.6, 88 S.Ct. at 1118-19 n.6. Therefore, the Plaintiffs' rights are violated; the Defendants violate their obligations to guarantee to the citizens of the District a republican form of government, U.S. Const. Art. IV,  4, cl. 1, and, thus, injure the Plaintiffs. This is Count Two of the Plaintiffs' Complaint.
Count One of the Complaint presents an entirely different claim, which also concerns apportionment as a necessary component of the claim. In Court One of the Complaint, the Plaintiffs assert that their rights to the equal protection of the laws are violated because Congress has treated other areas in the United States (over which Congress holds or has held identical, plenary power to the plenary power it still holds over the District of Columbia) differently than it has treated the District of Columbia (for no good reason whatsoever, much less for any compelling reason), trenching upon the Plaintiffs' fundamental rights and privileges to the equal protection of the laws.
Specifically as concerns apportionment, Congress has apportioned representation to the other areas to which the District of Columbia might be compared most closely. Thus, not only has Congress "denied access to the political process equal to the access of other groups" represented in Congress, Chapman, supra, 420 U.S. at 17, 95 S.Ct. at 761, but Congress has passed "laws 'distributing the franchise'--i.e., granting 'the right to vote to some bone fide residents of requisite age and citizenship' but [has] den[ied] it to [the District of Columbia, and such action is] presumptively invalid." Choper, supra, 83 Mich. L. Rev. at 85-86 (quoting Kramer, supra, 395 U.S. at 626 & 627, 89 S.Ct. at 1889-90).
For instance, from 1791 until 1846, Congress held absolute, "plenary" powers over approximately 33 square miles of land area located south-west of the Potomac River, then called "Alexandria County," then within the District of Columbia. In 1845, Congress retroceded all jurisdiction over that area to the State of Virginia.
That precise action--retrocession to Virginia--resulted in the apportionment of representation in the House of Representatives to the residents of that area. Today, the citizens who reside in what was called Alexandria County when it was a part of the District of Columbia (with some negligible deviations here and there) enjoy representation in the House of Representatives, being apportioned to the eighth congressional district of the State of Virginia. Of course, by also being part of a state, they enjoy representation in the Senate.
Likewise, Congress once held absolute, "plenary" powers over an area of a little more than one square mile located just north of Bethesda, Maryland. This is a "federal enclave" where the National Institutes of Health is located. The residents of this federal enclave were treated as residents of an area wholly outside the State of Maryland and, thus, were not apportioned representation in the House of Representatives.
After protest and petitioning by these residents, however, Congress answered the residents' requests for a remedy and passed various acts which returned sufficient authority to the state of Maryland that the residents of this federal enclave came to be treated as residents of the State of Maryland. See Evans v. Cornman, 398 U.S. 419, 90 S.Ct. 1752, 29 L.Ed.2d 370 (1970). Today, the citizens who reside within the area of the National Institutes of Health enjoy representation in the House of Representatives, being apportioned to the eighth congressional district of the State of Maryland. Of course, by also being part of a state, they enjoy representation in the Senate.
The federal enclave containing the National Institutes of Health is only one of thousands of federal enclaves. By the most recent counts, more than a million citizens of the United States reside in these enclaves.
Until a few decades ago, Congress exercised exactly the same plenary powers over the federal enclaves as it still exercises over the District of Columbia. By virtue of those powers, the citizens of those areas were excluded from apportionment to any congressional district, just as the citizens of the District still are excluded from apportionments. By virtue of those powers, Congress determined whether the populations within those areas would be included--or would not be included--in apportionment of seats in the federal government to the country at large. See Jurisdiction Over Federal Areas Within the States; Report of the Interdepartmental Committee for the Study of Jurisdiction over Federal Areas Within the States; Part I: The Facts and Committee Recommendation (1956) and Ibid.; Part II: A Text of the Law of Legislative Jurisdiction (1957).
But Congress took affirmative steps to change the status of the federal enclaves. One of the things Congress did was to make sure that the citizens of the federal enclaves would be included in apportionments of representation in congressional districts. Apportionment of representation in Congress was a direct and inescapable effect of the actions the government of the United States took with regard to the federal enclaves. Yet Congress has fenced the citizens of the District of Columbia out of any apportionment. See Carrington, supra, 380 U.S. at 94, 85 S.Ct. at 779.
The totality of exclusion from apportionment is the only thing which might make this case seem unique among all "apportionment cases." But see Avery, supra, 390 U.S. at 481 n.6, 88 S.Ct. at 1118-19 n.6 ("The majority of a [political jurisdiction cannot] ... deprive the minority of the ballot altogether ...."). The hallmark apportionment cases concerned situations where, among comparative districts, the residents all voted for representatives, but the populations of the districts varied sufficiently widely that each citizen in one district had a proportionately weaker voice in government than each citizen in the other district. In response to such inequity, the typical response from the Supreme Court has been to observe that,
[t]he personal right to vote is a value in itself, and a citizen is, without more and without
mathematically calculating his power to determine the outcome of an election,
shortchanged if he may vote for only one representative when citizens in a neighboring
district, of equal population, may vote for two; or to put it another way, if he may vote for
one representative and the voters in another district half the size also elect one
representative.
Board of Estimate, supra, 489 U.S. at 698, 109 S.Ct. at 1440. On the basis of such observations, the courts have usually ordered that the challenged apportionment violated the Constitution.
But in the instant case, the Plaintiffs complain of a situation where one of the compared districts elects no one. The Plaintiffs' district has been excluded persistently from any possible apportionments. Thus, this situation is far more egregious than that in which the citizens of the "disfavored" district have proportionately less power than the citizens of another district. This is a situation in which the citizens have no power.
If a deviation of 78% between districts violates constitutional principles, Board of Estimate, supra, 489 U.S. at 702, 109 S.Ct. at 1442, if a deviation of one-third that (26%) between districts violates constitutional principles, Swann v. Adams, 385 U.S. 440, 87 S.Ct. 569, 17 L.Ed.2d 501 (1967), then it must be beyond question that a deviation of 100% between "districts" cannot be justified and should be subjected to strict scrutiny by a three-judge district court.
The situation of the District of Columbia might be succinctly analogized to the following hypothetical situation.
Assume an elementary school where all the students in all the grades are to be apportioned to baseball teams for a tournament. Of course, all the teams should have an equal number of members and equal strengths.
But there's one problem. The Principal has locked the students in Mrs. Bethune's sixth grade class in their classroom. All the other sixth-grade classes are apportioned to teams, along with all the students in the first, second, third, fourth, and fifth grades.
It might be noted that, until a few years go, the Principal had locked all the sixth grade students into their classrooms. But the students had successfully pointed out to the Principal that this was a violation of school rules and seriously unfair, so the Principal had unlocked their doors to include them in teams -- unlocked all the doors, that is, except for Mrs. Bethune's door.
There's no reason for Mrs. Bethune's class to be locked out of the games. They are no different than any of the other students in the sixth grade, or in the entire school, for that matter.
Certainly, there are a lot of other problems with what the Principal is doing to Mrs. Bethune's class. The Principal is hurting them in many ways. But one very clear way in which they're injured is by exclusion from being counted for -- apportioned to -- baseball teams.
If this analogy seems out of place in a court of law, counsel suggests that this is only because this case presents questions which have been avoided, ignored, discounted, and outright "ducked" so many times in so many places that this case must appear to present fundamentally unique legal questions. It seems impossible that such a situation as obtains for these Plaintiffs could exist. Therefore, some seemingly trivial analogies might be required in order to show that these issues can be resolved into comprehensible patterns with comprehensible remedies under legal principles which are now widely accepted and universally applied.
Replace reference to the school with reference to the entire United States. Replace reference to each class in the first, second, third, fourth, and fifth grades with reference to the States. Replace reference to the sixth grade classes with reference to all the places over which Congress has plenary powers of exclusive legislation. Replace reference to Mrs. Bethune's class with reference to the District of Columbia. Replace reference to the Principal with reference to Congress. And, finally, replace reference to baseball teams with reference to congressional districts. The analogy remains sound.
The court does not risk succumbing to an "imbroglio of mathematical manipulation," Mahan v. Howell, 410 U.S. 315, 319 n.6, 93 S.Ct. 979, 982 n.6, 35 L.Ed.2d 320 (1973) (on rehearing), to ascertain the distinction drawn in this case. Congress has singled out this sixty-seven square mile area in which over a half-million people live (including these Plaintiffs) and "deprive[d it] of the ballot altogether." Avery, supra, 390 U.S. at 481 n.6, 88 S.Ct. at 1118-19 (emphasis added).
This situation is not, finally, unique. This situation can be analyzed and should be analyzed. This situation can be remedied and should be remedied. The first step toward analysis and remedy is to realize that this case involves one of the most basic concepts in the law: apportionment of congressional and other districts.
In conclusion, therefore, the primary element or consideration of Police Officers' Guild (the third element, as enumerated in Police Offices' Guild), "whether the case presented ... comes within the [substantive] requirements of the applicable three-judge statute," 369 F.Supp. at 548-49, must be answered in the affirmative, because this case does "challeng[e] the constitutionality of the apportionment of congressional districts[.]" 20 U.S.C.  2284(a).
(2) Whether the Constitutional Question Presented is Substantial
The second consideration defined by Police Offices' Guild whether a case comes under the jurisdiction of a three-judge district court is an evaluation whether the constitutional questions presented in the case are substantial.
In Police Officers' Guild, this court said that "[a] constitutional claim is substantial unless it is either 'obviously without merit or . . . its unsoundness so clearly results from previous decisions . . . as to foreclose the subject.'" 369 F.Supp. at 549, quoting Bailey v. Patterson, 369 U.S. 31, 33, 82 S.Ct. 549, 7 L.Ed.2d 512 (1962) (other citations omitted). The Supreme Court has provided additional guidance on this element or consideration of "Constitutional insubstantiality."
"Constitutional insubstantiality" for [the purpose of determining whether a three-judge
district court is required under the three-judge court statutes] has been equated with such
concepts as "essentially fictitious," "wholly insubstantial," "obviously frivolous," and
"obviously without merit," The limiting words "wholly" and "obviously" have cogent legal
significance. In the context of the effect of prior decisions upon the substantiality of
constitutional claims, those words import that claims are constitutionally insubstantial only
if the prior decisions inescapably render the claims frivolous; previous decisions that
merely render claims of doubtful or questionable merit do not render them insubstantial for
the purposes of [the three-judge court statutes]. A claim is insubstantial only if "'its
unsoundness so clearly results from the previous decisions of this court as to foreclose the
subject and leave no room for the inference that the questions sought to be raised can be
the subject of controversy.'"
Goosby v. Osser, 409 U.S. 512, 518, 93 S.Ct. 854, 858-59, 35 L.Ed.2d 36 (1973) (emphasis added; citations omitted); [FOOTNOTE 5: Goosby concerned a request under 28 U.S.C.  2281, which has been repealed. For the same reasons that McLucas and Police Officers' Guild may be taken as instructive even though they concerned Section 2282, see footnotes 1 and 2, supra, Goosby should guide consideration of "insubstantiality." The provisions of the act under which these Plaintiffs make their application (29 U.S.C.  2284) differ insignificantly from the provisions of the acts which were at issue in Goosby (28 U.S.C.  2281) and Police Officers' Guild (28 U.S.C.  2282)] see also Adams, supra, 871 F.Supp. at 45 (quoting and citing Police Officers' Guild, supra, 369 F.Supp. at 548-49; Silver v. Queen's Hospital, 53 F.R.D. 223, 225 (D. Hawaii 1971); Bailey, supra, 369 U.S. at 33, 82 S.Ct. at 551; Ex parte Poresky, 290 U.S. 30, 32, 54 S.CT. 3, 4-5, 78 L.Ed. 152 (1933); and Armour, supra, 925 F.2d at 989).
The question, in short, is whether "[t]he precise issues here raised have [ ]ever been decided by the United States Supreme Court" or even by another court of dispositive authority over this court, leaving no "room for disagreement on the issue[s] presented[.]" Doe v. Martin, 404 F.Supp. 753, 755 (D.D.C. 1975). If the precise issues raised in this case have not been decided by the Supreme Court or another dispositive authority, then all reasonable debate on any of the issues presented is under the jurisdiction of a three-judge district court.
Certainly, any question which has never been raised, much less analyzed, cannot have been settled or deemed "answered." Even were there an opinion which addressed similar or related questions, "[t]he scope and effect of a prior judgment are always legitimate subjects of argument and resolution in a subsequent action ...." Consumers Union v. Consumer Product Safety Comm'n, 561 F.2d 349, 354, (D.C. Cir.), reh. denied, 565 F.2d 721 (1977) (footnote with citations omitted). Thus, consideration of similar or related questions does not dispose of a novel question placed before the bar.
So far as counsel for the Plaintiffs can determine, no opinion of any court precludes the claims made in the instant case. Further, no opinion countervails the Plaintiffs' assertions and arguments. And no previous case discusses the questions presented here, "formulated to bring [them] into focus, and the evidence has not been offered or appraised to decide [them.]" Wright v. Rockefeller, 376 U.S. 52, 58, 84 S.Ct. 603, 606, 11 L.Ed.2d 512, reh. denied, 376 U.S. 959, 84 S.Ct. 964 (1964).
The only case of which Plaintiffs' counsel is aware which might be relevant is a case styled Darby v. United States, in the District of Columbia Court of Appeals, with an opinion reported at 681 A.2d 1156 (D.C. 1996), cert. denied, ____ U.S. ___, 117 S.Ct. 596, 136 L.Ed.2d 524, reh. denied, ___ U.S. ___, 117 S.Ct. 1024, 136 L.Ed.2d 899 (1997). [FOOTNOTE 6: Plaintiffs' counsel in the instant case was Ms. Darby's counsel, so he knows very well what claims and arguments were brought in the case] In Darby, the D.C. Court of Appeals stated that the Guarantee Clause "applies to the states and cannot be read to restrict the power of Congress to legislate for the District[.]" 681 A.2d at 1158. Were this statement probative, it might be relevant to the claims under Count Two of the Plaintiffs' Complaint.
This statement, however, is not probative. First, the D.C. Court of appeals is not the Supreme Court, so its decisions are not necessarily preclusive here, as required for a finding of "insubstantiality" under Goosby and Doe. Goosby, supra, 409 U.S. at 518, 93 S.Ct. at 858-59; Doe, supra, 404 F.Supp. at 755.
But second, and more to the point, the statement of the D.C. Court of Appeals stands on its own, supported only by two citations, one to Palmore v. United States, 411 U.S. 389, 407, 93 S.Ct. 1670, 36 L.Ed.2d 342 (1973) and the other to District of Columbia v. A.F.G.E., 619 A.2d 77, 81 (D.C. 1993). There is no statement anywhere in Palmore which supports the proposition that the Guarantee Clause does not apply to the District of Columbia; in fact, the Guarantee Clause is not mentioned in Palmore at all. And A.F.G.E. does not mention--much less analyze--the Guarantee Clause either. A.F.G.E. mentions only the Contract Clause, Art. I,  10, para. 1, clause 8. The two clauses serve different purposes in the Constitution, have radically different applications, and there is no reason whatsoever that a statement concerning the Contract Clause should have any bearing on the Guarantee Clause. And counsel is aware of no authority otherwise for the proposition that the Guarantee Clause, U.S. Const., Art. IV, Sect. 4, does not apply to the District of Columbia.
Third, the questions presented in Darby were whether the local court system of the District of Columbia (the Superior Court of the District of Columbia and the D.C. Court of Appeals) lacked criminal jurisdiction over Ms. Darby for various reasons. These were vastly different questions from the questions presented in the instant case.
By way of further clarification, the plaintiffs in Goosby were pretrial detainees in Philadelphia prisons. These detainees claimed that the State of Pennsylvania violated their constitutional rights by barring them from voting, completely, in any way. 409 U.S. at 521-22, 93 S.Ct. at 860. Pennsylvania answered that a previous decision of the Supreme Court, McDonald v. Board of Election Commissioners, 394 U.S. 802, 89 S.Ct. 1493, 23 L.Ed.2d 1 (1969), rendered the plaintiffs' claim "wholly insubstantial." 409 U.S. at 513-16, 93 S.Ct. at 856-57.
McDonald, which Pennsylvania took as dispositive, had been brought by pretrial detainees in Cook County, Illinois, alleging that the State of Illinois violated their constitutional rights by barring them from voting by absentee ballot. That claim was resolved in favor of the State of Illinois in McDonald because there was no showing that the plaintiffs were barred completely from voting and there was no showing that Illinois intended to bar them completely from voting. 394 U.S. at 807-08, 89 S.Ct. at 1408.
When the Supreme Court compared its previous holding in McDonald with the claims presented in Goosby, the Court found, "it is clear that McDonald is not a prior decision of this court that 'foreclose[s] the subject' of petitioners' constitutional attack ...." 409 U.S. at 518-19, 93 S.Ct. at 859. The Court distinguished Illinois' denial of one method of voting from Pennsylvania's denial of all methods of voting. Thus, the Court rejected the argument that the plaintiffs' claims in Goosby were "wholly insubstantial" in the sense or with the effect that insubstantiality would obviate the jurisdiction of a three-judge district court. [FOOTNOTE 7: It might be noted that the constitutional claim in Police Officers' Guild was (generally) that a certain statute of local application to the District of Columbia infringed the plaintiffs' rights to freedom of speech and association under the First Amendment to the Constitution. 369 F.Supp. at 548-49. With little analysis in its decision that a three-judge court had jurisdiction over the matter, the court concluded that, "[c]learly, ... the plaintiffs ... raise a substantial constitutional claim," id. at 549, despite a plethora of cases dealing with First Amendment issues in pubic employment. See T.I. Emerson, The System of Freedom of Expression, 563-92 (1970)]
Finally, still considering the only opinion of which counsel is aware which might be relevant to this case, even if Darby were construed as relevant to Court Two of the instant case, Darby does not countervail the issues or arguments presented under Count One of the Plaintiffs' Complaint, which are also relevant to and support the proposition that this case is under the jurisdiction of a three-judge district court.
Thus, other than the trivial statements in Darby, there is no written record of any previous consideration, by any court, of the constitutional challenges brought in the instant case. Thus, the record is silent on the questions presented in this case. Silence cannot be taken as dispositive of anything. Certainly, silence cannot be taken as an "inescapable" rule, rendering any later claim "frivolous" or "foreclosing" later examination of the subject.
Unlike the situation in Goosby, there is no case in which the Equal Protection claims or the Guarantee Clause claims brought in the instant case--or the claims of exclusion from apportionment as part and parcel of these Equal Protection and Guarantee Clause claims--were raised, much less addressed, thus not settled. If no case can be cited in which the claims were address and no case can be cited in which the claims were settled, if no case can be cited which obviates the claims, then they are corpulently "substantial" for the purposes of determining whether the claims fall under the jurisdiction of a three-judge district court.
In conclusion, the second element or consideration of Police Officers' Guild, "whether the constitutional question presented is substantial, 369 F.Supp. at 548-49, must be answered in the affirmative.
(3) Whether the Complaint Formally Alleges a Basis for Equitable Relief
The final determination required by Police Offices' Guild in considering whether the case is under the jurisdiction of a three-judge district court is whether the Complaint formally alleges a basis for equitable relief.
The court should determine that this element is satisfied, i.e., that the case presents a basis for equitable relief, if the relief sought in the case is relief the court could grant if the Plaintiffs were to prevail on the merits and if the relief the court granted would result in reapportionment. See Karcher v. Daggett, 462 U.S. 725, 730-31, 103 S.Ct. 2653, 2658, 77 L.Ed.2d 133 (1983); State of Montana v. U.S. Dept. of Commerce, 775 F.Supp. 1358, 1364-65 (D. Mont. 1991), rev'd on other grounds, 503 U.S. 442, 112 S.Ct. 1415, 118 L.Ed.2d 87 (1992); Skolnick v. State Electoral Board of Illinois, 336 F.Supp. 839, 872-73, 876 (N.D. Ill. 1971); Wright Miller & Cooper, Federal Practice and Procedure; Jurisdiction 2d  4235 at 606.
Of course, the hallmark "apportionment case" concerns disparities between different districts, all of which vote, but there is no reason why this element could not be answered in the affirmative for a case in which the disparity is absolute, such that one of the districts has no vote because it is excluded from apportionment. In such a case, the remedy would still be "reapportionment," albeit reapportionment from exclusion to equity, instead of from disparity to equity.
In the instant case, the Plaintiffs assert that their lack of actual representation in the Congress of the United States, [FOOTNOTE 8: While the Plaintiffs do enjoy the benefits of sending a "Delegate" to the House of Representatives, they are not represented in the House, since the Delegate is not entitled to vote and is denied numerous other privileges of Membership in Congress. The Plaintiffs have no representation in the Senate. The "shadow senators" are an artifact of local political choices to seek admission as a state according to a certain historic model. Despite their valiant efforts to "represent" the citizens of the District, they are lobbyists and not representatives; they have no vote, can claim no privileges to address the Senate, have no seats on committees, and so on] among other things, violates two categories of their rights under the Constitution. To remedy these violations, the Plaintiffs request three categories of declaratory and injunctive relief.
Among the provisions requested by way of declaratory relief are declarations that the Congress of the United States and the Defendants violate the Plaintiffs' constitutional rights by excluding them from apportionments to congressional districts. Plaintiffs also request declarations which amount to saying that the Defendants must take such steps as they can within the powers of their offices to remedy the situation. Among injunctions requested by way of relief are injunctions which boil down to mandates that the present apportionments not be executed or enforced.
Even if the court, ultimately, were only to grant the most basic declaratory Relief requested in paragraph A of the Relief section of the Complaint, the status quo could not be sustained and the government of the United States would be compelled (by simple requirements to get on with the job of governing a nation) to take steps to bring the District of Columbia into the political life of the nation, which would require apportionment of representation in Congress.
In short, one way or another, through the relief requested in this suit, it will be incumbent upon the Defendants and the government of the United States generally to take steps to insure that the Plaintiffs and all other citizens of the District of Columbia were represented in Congress. Ultimately, it would necessarily fall to Congress to apportion a representative (or representatives) to the Plaintiffs and all other citizens of the District of Columbia, one way or another, since the actions of those executing the present, unconstitutional apportionments would have been blocked from executing or enforcing those unconstitutional apportionments.
In conclusion, the final element or consideration of Police Officers' Guild (the first element, as enumerated in Police Offices' Guild), "whether the complaint formally alleges a basis for equitable relief," 369 F.Supp. at 548-49, must be answered in the affirmative. Taking the Plaintiffs' allegations and arguments as correct and meritorious, an inescapable component of any remedy would be apportionment of representation in the Congress of the United States to the Plaintiffs.

Concluding Observations
Thus, since all three elements or considerations of the Police Officers' Guild test for whether a case comes under the jurisdiction of a three-judge district court are answered in the affirmative for the case at bar, this case falls under the jurisdiction of a three-judge district court. Therefore, the court should refer the case to the Chief Judge of the D.C. Circuit, 28 U.S.C.  2284(b)(1), for nomination of judges to comprise the three-judge district court which will hear all further proceedings in this case.
To the extent that any ambiguity remains whether Congress "intended" that a case such as this one fall under the provisions of 28 U.S.C.  2284(a), those questions must be resolved in the Plaintiffs' favor. First, the plain language of the Act and of the Act as construed by the courts covers the issues and claims in the instant case, even if those issues and claims are (to any degree) "unique" among all previous apportionment cases. See Wright, Miller & Cooper, Federal Practice and Procedure, Jurisdiction 2d.,  4235 at p. 606.
Second, Congress has submitted to the jurisdiction of three-judge district courts all cases concerning malapportionment caused by States. There is no basis supporting (and equity augurs against) insulating the acts of Congress from attack, in that same forum, for malapportionment caused by Congress. Just as Congress "lacks the constitutional power to insulate States from attack with respect to alleged deprivations of individual constitutional rights," Reynolds, supra, 377 U.S. at 582, 84 S.Ct. at 1392 (emphasis added; apportionment case not unlike the instant case), Congress should not be assumed to have any power to insulate itself (its instrumentalities) from attack with respect to far more grave deprivations of individual constitutional rights.
Likewise, is must be noted that the actual, final government of the District of Columbia is Congress itself. By fencing the District off from the rest of the country, by not treating the citizens of the District in a manner substantially equivalent to the manner in which it has treated the citizens of the federal enclaves and in which it has treated the citizens of the former portion of the District of Columbia now a part of Virginia, Congress has retained for itself a laboratory for experiments it could not authorize elsewhere and which are not necessarily welcome by the population subjected to Congress's creativity. The courts should look with a strictly critical eye upon any apportionment scheme which so protects the parochial power and interests of whichever governmental body is primarily responsible for the apportionment scheme. "If the election law in question has the effect of immunizing the current leadership at the expense of new or minority views, the Court's precedent demonstrates little tolerance. Such laws are subjected to strict scrutiny and, generally, held unconstitutional." League of Women Voters v. Diamond, 965 F.Supp. 96, 101 (D. Me. 1997).
Finally, it is now quite clear that the courts must step in to cure malapportionment; because of the "paralytic nature of malapportionment--whose cure would guarantee some lawmakers the loss of their seats and would imperil those of many others," Choper, supra, 83 Mich. L. Rev. at 94 n.647, there is no political cure to serious malapportionment.
In other words, as is now well-settled and admitted even by the government of the United States, see Franklin, supra, 505 U.S. at 801 n.2, 112 S.Ct. at 2776 n.2, challenges to congressional apportionments are not political questions; they are justiciable and properly may be placed before the courts for redress. See Montana, supra, 503 U.S. at 458-59, 465, 112 S.CT. at 1425-25, 1430.
For all these reasons, this case is under the jurisdiction of a three-judge district court. Therefore, the Plaintiffs respectfully request that this case be forwarded to the Chief Judge of the United States Circuit Court for the District of Columbia Circuit for nomination of a three-judge district court.

Respectfully submitted,
George S. LaRoche,
counsel for the Plaintiffs


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Last modified: March 07, 2001